I. ON MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM.¹

In the crucible of class struggle, the ideology of the international proletariat emerged as Marxism, afterwards developed into Marxism-Leninism and later Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Thus, the all-powerful scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has three stages: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, and 3) Maoism; three stages, moments, or milestones in its dialectical process of development; of one and the same unity that, in one hundred and forty years, starting from the “Manifesto”,² in the most heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles within the communist parties themselves and the immense labor of titans of thought and action that only the class could generate, with three unfading luminaries standing out—Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-tung—through great leaps, and three grandiose ones, has armed us with the invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism of today.

Nevertheless, while Marxism-Leninism has obtained an acknowledgment of its universal validity, Maoism is not completely acknowledged as the third stage. Some simply deny its condition as such, while others only accept it as “Mao Tsetung Thought.” In essence, both positions, with the obvious differences between them, deny the general development of Marxism made by Chairman Mao Tsetung. Not recognizing its character as an “-ism”, as Maoism, is to deny it universal validity and, consequently, its condition as the third, new, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, which we uphold, defend, and apply.

As an INTRODUCTION, in order to better understand Maoism and the necessity to struggle for it, let us remember Lenin. He taught us that, as the revolution advanced into the East, it expressed specific conditions which, although they did not negate principles or laws, were new situations that Marxism could not ignore on pain of exposing the revolution to failure. And despite the uproar that particularly the intelligentsia, stuffed with liberalism and falsely Marxist, pedantic and bookish, raised against the new, the only just and correct thing is to apply Marxism to concrete reality and resolve the new situations and problems that every revolution necessarily faces and resolves; in the face of the fright and Pharisaical “defenses of the ideology, of the class, and of the people” proclaimed by revisionists, opportunists, and renegades, or the furious and blind attacks of stupefied academicians and hacks of the old order, debased by rotten bourgeois ideology and willing to defend the old society they parasitize. Moreover, Lenin expressly said that the revolution in the East would bring new and great surprises, to the still greater astonishment of the worshipers of following only the known roads, incapable of seeing the new; and, as we all know, he entrusted the Eastern comrades with resolving problems that Marxism had not yet resolved.

Furthermore, keep very much in mind that when Comrade Stalin justly and correctly put forward that we had entered the stage of Leninism as a development of Marxism, there was also opposition and there were those who tore their garments in supposed defense of Marxism; keep very much in mind that there were also those who said of Leninism that it was applicable only to the backward countries; but, in the midst of struggle, practice consecrated it as a great development of Marxism, and the ideology of the proletariat shone victoriously before the world as Marxism-Leninism.

Today, Maoism faces similar situations. And as the new and Marxism have always made their way through struggle, Maoism likewise will impose itself and be recognized.

As for the CONTEXT in which Chairman Mao Tsetung carried out his work and Maoism was forged: internationally, on the basis of imperialism, world wars, the international proletarian movement, the national liberation movement, the struggle between Marxism and revisionism, and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR, three great historical milestones it is fitting to highlight in the present century: first, the October Revolution of 1917, which opens the era of the world proletarian revolution; second, the triumph of the Chinese Revolution in 1949, changing the correlation of forces in favor of socialism; and third, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, initiated in 1966 as the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat in order to maintain the course toward communism. It suffices to emphasize that Chairman Mao led two of these glorious historic events.

And in China, which was the center of the world revolution and where Maoism was concretized, amid the most complex convergence of contradictions and an intense and bloody class struggle marked by the pretensions of the imperialist powers to tear China apart and divide it up, the collapse of the Manchu Empire (1911), the anti-imperialist movement of 1919, the rebellions of the immense peasantry, the twenty-two years of armed struggle of the democratic revolution, the great contest for the building and development of socialism, and the ten years of revolutionary storm to carry forward the Cultural Revolution, in the midst of the sharpest two-line struggle within the Communist Party of China, especially against revisionism—all framed within the international panorama described above. From this set of historical events we must extract four of extraordinary importance: the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921; the Autumn Harvest Uprising, initiating the road from the countryside to the city, in 1927; the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949; and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, 1966–1976; in all of these Chairman Mao was a protagonist and, mainly, the highest leader as the recognized head of the Chinese Revolution.

Thus, from Chairman Mao Tsetung’s biography we can say that, born on December 26, 1893, he opened his eyes in a world agitated by the flames of war; son of peasants, he was seven years old at the time of the “Boxer War”; a student to be a teacher, he was around eighteen when the empire collapsed; he enlisted as a soldier to later be a great organizer of peasants and youth in Hunan, his native land. Founder of the Communist Party and of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army, he established the road of encircling the cities from the countryside; he developed people’s war and, with it, the military theory of the proletariat. Theoretician of New Democracy, he founded the People’s Republic; promoter of the Great Leap Forward and of the development of socialism; guide of the struggle against the contemporary revisionism of Khrushchev and his henchmen, leader and command of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. These are milestones that mark a life dedicated completely and fully to the revolution. The proletariat has three gigantic triumphs in this century; two correspond to Chairman Mao, and if one is sufficient glory, two are more so.

On the CONTENT of Maoism, obviously its substance, we must point to the following basic questions:

1. Theory. Marxism has three parts: Marxist philosophy, Marxist political economy, and scientific socialism. The development in all of them that generates a great qualitative leap of Marxism as a whole, as a unity at a higher level, implies a new stage. Consequently, the essential thing is to show that Chairman Mao, as can be seen in theory and practice, has generated such a great qualitative leap. For expository necessity, let us see this in the present and following points.

In Marxist philosophy, he developed the core of dialectics, the law of contradiction, establishing it as the sole fundamental law; and, apart from his profound dialectical understanding of the theory of knowledge, whose center consists of the two leaps that make up its law—from practice to knowledge and from the latter to the former, the leap from knowledge to practice being the main thing—it should be highlighted that he masterfully applied the law of contradiction to politics; and, moreover, he brought philosophy to the masses, fulfilling the task Marx left.

In Marxist political economy, Chairman Mao applied dialectics to analyze the base-superstructure relationship and, continuing the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against the revisionist thesis of the “productive forces,” he concluded that the superstructure, consciousness, can modify the base and, with political power, develop the productive forces. And, developing the Leninist idea of politics as the concentrated expression of economics, he established that politics is the command (applicable on all planes) and that political work is the lifeline of economic work; which leads to a true handling of political economy and not to a simple economic policy.

One question that is sidestepped, despite its importance, especially for those who face democratic revolutions, is the Maoist thesis of bureaucrat-capitalism; that is, the capitalism that develops in the nations oppressed by imperialism and with varying degrees of underlying feudalism or even other earlier forms. This is a vital problem, mainly for Asia, Africa, and Latin America, since from its understanding derives good revolutionary leadership, all the more so if the basis for carrying forward the socialist revolution as the second stage depends, economically, on its confiscation.

But the main thing is that Chairman Mao Tsetung has developed the political economy of socialism. His criticism of socialist construction in the USSR is of the utmost importance, as are his theses on how to develop socialism in China: take agriculture as the base and industry as the leader; industrialization guided by the relationship among heavy industry, light industry, and agriculture, taking heavy industry as the center of economic construction and at the same time giving full attention to light industry as well as agriculture. The Great Leap Forward and the conditions for its execution should be highlighted: one, a political line that gives it a just and correct course; two, small, medium, and large organizational forms, respectively greater to lesser in number; three, a great impetus, a gigantic effort of the masses to set it in motion and carry it to success—a leap forward whose results are appreciated more for the process set in motion and its historical perspective than for its immediate achievements—and its link with agricultural cooperativization and the people’s commune. Finally, keep very much in mind his teachings on objectivity and subjectivity in understanding and handling the laws of socialism; that the few decades of socialism have not allowed us to see its full development and, therefore, to gain a better knowledge of its laws and their specification; and, mainly, the relationship between revolution and the economic process, concretized in “grasp revolution and promote production”. Nevertheless, despite its transcendental importance, this development of Marxist political economy is little discussed.

In scientific socialism, Chairman Mao developed the theory of social classes analyzing them on economic, political, and ideological planes. He developed revolutionary violence as a universal law without any exception whatsoever; revolution as the violent replacement of one class by another; he established his great thesis, “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” and resolved the question of the conquest of Power in the oppressed nations through the road of encircling the cities from the countryside, establishing its general laws. He brilliantly defined and developed the theory of class struggle under socialism: that under socialism the antagonistic struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the socialist road and the capitalist road, and between socialism and capitalism continues; that it was not concretely defined who would defeat whom, a problem whose solution would demand time and the unfolding of the process of restoration and counter-restoration so that the proletariat would become definitively established in Power through the dictatorship of the proletariat; and, finally and mainly, the grandiose solution of historical transcendence, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as the continuation of the socialist revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

These basic questions, almost merely stated but known and undeniable, show the Chairman’s development of the component parts of Marxism and the evident elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a new, third, and higher stage: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.

Continuing this synthetic vision, let us look at other specific points which, although they derive from the foregoing, must be considered, even if only enumeratively, at least to highlight them by calling attention to them.

2. New Democracy. First, the establishment of the three types of dictatorship is a development of the Marxist theory of the State: 1) that of the bourgeoisie, in the old bourgeois democracies such as the United States, a type to which the dictatorship existing in oppressed nations, such as those of Latin America, can be assimilated; 2) the dictatorship of the proletariat, as in the Soviet Union or China before the usurpation of Power by the revisionists; and 3) New Democracy, as a joint dictatorship based on the worker-peasant alliance, directed by the proletariat headed by the Communist Party, which took shape in China throughout its democratic revolution and is concretized today in Peru in the People’s Committees, base areas, and the New-Democratic People’s Republic in organization. Within this development of the theory of the State, it is fundamental to emphasize the key differentiation between the State system as the dictatorship of the class or classes that exercise Power—which is principal—and the system of government, understood as the organization for the exercise of Power.

On the other hand, New Democracy, one of Chairman Mao’s extraordinary developments, masterfully concretizes for us the bourgeois revolution of a new type, which only the proletariat can lead; in synthesis, the democratic revolution within the new era of the world proletarian revolution in which we operate. The New-Democratic Revolution implies a new economy, a new politics, and a new culture, obviously overthrowing the old order and raising the new with rifles, the only way to transform the world.

Finally, it is important to emphasize that New Democracy, as a democratic revolution, while mainly fulfilling the democratic tasks, also, complementarily, advances in some socialist tasks; in this way, the question of the two stages—democratic and socialist—that correspond to countries such as ours is thoroughly resolved, guaranteeing, once the democratic revolution has concluded, its continuation as a socialist revolution without any interval, uninterruptedly.

3. The three instruments. The problem of the construction of the instruments of the revolution poses to the Party the understanding of the interrelation of the Party, the army, and the united front; and understanding and handling correctly the interrelated construction of the three in the midst of war or in the maintenance of the new State, based on the might of the armed people, expresses a just and correct work of leadership. Construction is guided by the principle that the just and correct ideological line decides everything; and it is on this ideological-political basis that organizational construction is simultaneously developed, in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and in the tempest of the class struggle, mainly of war as the main form of struggle, whether active or potential.

Regarding the Party, Chairman Mao starts from the necessity of the Communist Party, a new type of party, a party of the proletariat. Today, we would say a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party: a party whose aim is to conquer Power and to defend it, and therefore it is inextricably bound to people’s war in order to initiate it, develop it or wage it to defend itself. A Party sustained by the masses, whether through people’s war itself, which is a war of the masses, or through the united front, which, being a front of classes, is based on the majority masses. The Party develops and changes according to the stages of the revolution and the periods those stages have; and the motor of its development is the contradiction concretized within it as the two-line struggle, between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line, or the non-proletarian line in general—in essence and mainly a struggle against revisionism. This leads to the decisive importance of the ideology in Party life and to the development of rectification campaigns that serve the greater adjustment of the entire system of Party organizations and the membership to the just and correct ideological and political lines, in service of the predominance of the proletarian line and the maintenance of the Party leadership in its iron hands. The Party serves the establishment of the Power of the proletariat, whether as the leading class of New Democracy and, mainly, the establishment, strengthening, and development of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in order, through cultural revolutions, to conquer the great final goal, communism; for this reason, the Party must come to direct everything in an all-encompassing way.

The revolutionary army is of a new type; that is, an army for fulfilling the political tasks that the Party establishes in accordance with the interests of the proletariat and the people, a character concretized in three tasks: to fight, to produce so as not to be a parasitic burden, and to mobilize the masses. It is an army based on political building starting from the ideology of the proletariat, from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (today), and from the general political line as well as the military line established by the Party. It is an army based on men and not on weapons; an army arisen from the masses and always linked to them, whom it serves wholeheartedly, allowing it to move within them like a fish in water. Without a people’s army the people have nothing, says Chairman Mao, while at the same time teaching us the necessity of the Party’s absolute leadership over the army and laying down his great principle: The Party commands the rifle, and we will never permit the reverse. Besides fully establishing the principles and norms for building an army of a new type, the Chairman himself called for averting the use of the army for capitalist restoration by usurping the leadership through a counter-revolutionary coup d’état; and, developing Lenin’s thesis on the people’s militia, he carried the general arming of the people farther than anyone, opening a road and pointing out the road toward the armed sea of masses that will guide us to the definitive emancipation of the people and the proletariat.

It is Chairman Mao Tsetung who, for the first time, develops a complete theory on the united front and establishes its laws. A front based on the worker-peasant alliance as a guarantee of the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution; a front of classes directed by the proletariat represented by the Party; in synthesis, a united front under the direction of the Communist Party; a united front for people’s war, for the revolution, for the conquest of Power for the benefit of the proletariat and the people. Thus, concretely, the united front is the grouping of the revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary forces in order to wage the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution, mainly through people’s war, by armed means. The united front, as is evident, is not the same in every stage of the revolution and, moreover, has its specifications according to the various periods of each stage; likewise, the united front in a concrete revolution is not the same as at the world level, although both follow the same general laws. Apart from this, it is important to emphasize the relationship between the front and the State that Chairman Mao establishes, putting forward that the united front is a form of joint dictatorship, when the anti-Japanese war was developing—a question that deserves to be studied especially by those of us who face democratic revolutions.

4. People’s war is the military theory of the international proletariat; in it is summed up, for the first time in a systematic and complete form, the theoretical and practical experience of the struggles, military actions, and wars waged by the proletariat, and the long experience of the people’s armed struggle, and especially of the peasant wars of China. It is with Chairman Mao that the class succeeds in having its military theory; nevertheless, there is considerable confusion and misunderstanding concerning this problem. And this begins with how the people’s war in China is viewed: generally, it is considered, reductively and disparagingly, as a simple guerrilla war; this already denotes not understanding that with Chairman Mao guerrilla warfare acquires a strategic character. Moreover, the development of guerrilla warfare is not understood: how, from its essential fluidity, it develops mobility, war of movements, war of positions; how it unfolds great plans of strategic offensive and the conquest of small, medium, and large cities with millions of inhabitants, combining attack from without with insurrection from within. Thus, in conclusion, the four periods of the Chinese Revolution—and mainly from the Agrarian War to the People’s War of Liberation, considering the Anti-Japanese War between the two—show the various facets and complexities of the revolutionary war waged for more than twenty years amid a gigantic population and an immense mobilization and participation of the masses. In that war there are examples of every kind; and what is principal has been extraordinarily studied, and its principles, laws, strategy, tactics, norms, etc., masterfully established. It is, then, in that fabulous crucible and on the basis of what was established by Marxism-Leninism that Chairman Mao established the military theory of the proletariat: people’s war.

We must keep very much in mind that, subsequently, the Chairman himself, knowing of the existence of atomic bombs and rockets and possessing them, sustained and developed people’s war in order to wage it under the new conditions of atomic weapons and war with powers and superpowers; in synthesis, people’s war is the weapon of the proletariat and the people even for confronting atomic wars.

A key and decisive question is understanding the universal validity of people’s war and its consequent application, taking into account the different types of revolution and the specific conditions of each revolution. It will serve this key question to consider that an insurrection like that of Petrograd has not been repeated; to consider the anti-fascist resistance and the European guerrillas in the Second World War, as well as the armed struggles currently being waged in Europe; and to see that, after all, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries revolution can be conceived only as revolutionary war, and today this is simply people’s war.

Finally, today more than ever, the Communists and the revolutionaries, the proletariat and the people, need to forge ourselves in: “Yes, we are advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad, it is Marxist.”;³ which means being advocates of the invincibility of people’s war.

5. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in historical perspective is what is most transcendental in the development of Marxism-Leninism by Chairman Mao; it is the solution to the great pending problem of the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat: “constitutes a new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country, a deeper and more extensive stage.”

What was the situation that presented itself? As stated in the Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution: “Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavor to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic ‘authorities’ and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.”

In these conditions there occurred the most earth-shaking political process and the greatest mobilization of masses that the Earth has seen, whose objectives Chairman Mao defined thus: “The current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is absolutely necessary and most timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing capitalist restoration and building socialism.”⁴

Let us further emphasize two questions: 1) that the GPCR implies a milestone in the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat toward the firm establishment of the proletariat in Power, which was concretized in the Revolutionary Committees; and 2) the restoration of capitalism in China, after the counter-revolutionary coup of 1976, is not the negation of the GPCR but plainly part of the contention between restoration and counter-restoration and, on the contrary, shows us the transcendental historical importance that the GPCR has in the inexorable march of humanity to communism.

6. World revolution. Chairman Mao again emphasizes the importance of the world revolution as a unity, starting from the fact that revolution is the main trend while the decomposition of imperialism grows greater every day and the role of the masses more immense year after year—the masses who make and will make their transforming, uncontainable force felt—and from the great truth reiterated by him: we all enter communism or no one enters. Within this specific perspective in the era of imperialism, the great historical moment of the “next 50 to 100 years,” and, in its context, the period opening up of struggle against Yankee imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, paper tigers that contend for hegemony and threaten the world with atomic war, in the face of which, first, it must be condemned and then we must prepare in advance to oppose people’s war to it and make the revolution. On the other hand, starting from the historical importance of the oppressed nations and, even more, from their perspective, as well as from the economic and political relations developing because of the process of decomposition of imperialism, Chairman Mao put forward his thesis that “three worlds are differentiated.” All this leads to the necessity of developing the strategy and tactics of the world revolution. Regrettably, we know little or almost nothing of Chairman Mao’s writings and propositions on these transcendental questions; nevertheless, the very little that is known shows the grand perspectives he foresaw and the great guidelines we must follow in order to understand and serve the world proletarian revolution.

7. Superstructure, ideology, culture, education. These problems and other related ones have been subtly and profoundly studied and resolved by the Chairman; therefore, this is also another basic question that deserves attention.

In conclusion, the content seen in these fundamental issues show clearly to whoever wants to see and understand that we have, therefore, a third, new, and higher stage of Marxism: Maoism; and that to be a Marxist at present demands being a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and principally Maoist.

What has been explained in the content leads us to two questions:

What is fundamental to Maoism? Power is fundamental to Maoism. Power for the proletariat, Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, Power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly: 1) Power under the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution; 2) Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; 3) Power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, conquered and defended through people’s war.

And, what is Maoism? Maoism is the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a third, new, and higher stage in the struggle for proletarian leadership of democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat as a proletarian cultural revolution; when imperialism deepens its decomposition and revolution has become the main trend of history, amidst the most complex and great wars seen to date and the implacable struggle against contemporary revisionism.

On the STRUGGLE AROUND MAOISM. Briefly, the struggle in China for establishing Mao Tsetung Thought begins in 1935 at the Tsunyi Conference, when Chairman Mao assumes the leadership of the Communist Party of China. In 1945 the Seventh Congress agreed that the CPC was guided by Marxism-Leninism and the ideas of Mao Tsetung, a specification suppressed by the Eighth Congress, since a rightist line prevailed in it. The Ninth Congress in 1969 summarizes the GPCR and sanctions that the CPC is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought; that was as far as it advanced.

At the international level, it acquires influence beginning in the 1950s; but it is with the GPCR that it spreads intensely and its prestige rises powerfully, and Chairman Mao comes to be recognized as head of the world revolution and generator of a new stage of Marxism-Leninism; thus, a great number of Communist Parties adopt the denomination Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. At the world level, Maoism confronted contemporary revisionism openly and fiercely, unmasking it profoundly and forcefully; it did likewise in the CPC’s own ranks, which raised the Chairman’s great red banner still higher: the third, new, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat. At present, Maoism confronts the triple attack of Soviet, Chinese, and Albanian revisionism. But, furthermore, there are even those who acknowledge the Chairman’s great contributions and even his development of Marxism: some consider that we remain in the stage of Marxism-Leninism, and others accept only Mao Tsetung Thought but by no means Maoism.

In the country, obviously, the revisionists who follow the baton of command of their different masters, Gorbachev, Deng, Alia, or Castro attacked and continue attacking Maoism furiously; among these, one must condemn, unmask, and implacably combat the hardened revisionism of Del Prado and his gang of the so-called “Peruvian Communist Party”;⁵ the groveling deviousness of the self-proclaimed “Communist Party of Peru, Red Homeland,”⁶ who, after setting themselves up as “great Maoists,” went on to become servants of Deng, after having condemned him upon his defenestration in 1976; as well as the anti-Maoism of the so-called “United Left,”⁷ within which all the revisionists and even anti-Marxist positions swarm, passing through the false Marxists and opportunists of various kinds. To uphold Maoism as a revealing mirror of revisionists in order to combat them implacably, in service of the development of the people’s war and the triumph of the democratic revolution underway, is an unavoidable and irrevocable task of a strategic character.

The Communist Party of Peru, through the fraction led by Chairman Gonzalo, who propelled its reconstitution, took up Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought in 1966; in 1979 the slogan “Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!”; in 1981: “Towards Maoism!”; and, in 1982, took Maoism as an integral part and higher development of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is with the people’s war that we have understood more deeply what Maoism implies and we have taken up the solemn pledge to “Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!” and to work relentlessly in helping to place it as command and guide of the world revolution, the only intensely red and unfading banner that is the guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the oppressed nations, and peoples of the world in their inexorable, combative march of iron legions toward golden and forever-shining communism.

1988

COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU