Proletarians of all countries, unite!

AGAINST THE REACTIONARY ELECTORAL FARCE
JUNE 7, 2026

ELECTIONS NO! PEOPLE’S WAR YES!1

I.

Voting means backing the social system and electing a government that is even more oppressive, more genocidal, and more homeland-selling than the previous one.

Marx emphasized: “the oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament!”

In Peru, elections are a tool used by large landlords and the big bourgeoisie to bring about the rotation of reactionary authorities, serving to preserve or develop the Peruvian State — a landlord-bureaucratic State, a formal republic, and a dictatorship of large landlords and the big bourgeoisie in the service of imperialism.

Elections have been, as was inevitable given the prevailing social order, an instrument in the hands of the comprador bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. This has been the defining feature of the Peruvian State’s electoral processes throughout the last century and so far in the 21st century, and it is what has determined the class character of the elections in the country.

The people can expect nothing good from Peru’s old semicolonial and semifeudal society, within which a bureaucratic capitalism serves imperialism, mainly American imperialism, and the old State that represents and defends it.

The old society of exploitation and oppression — one of the most unequal in the world — cannot offer any real solution, much less one capable of satisfying the growing basic needs of the masses, who are increasingly marginalized. It offers only more unemployment, longer workdays just to survive, lower wages and salaries, fewer rights, and greater cuts to hard-won gains and benefits. This situation will continue to worsen amid the bleak economic outlook of Peru’s outdated society, leading to greater exploitation and oppression of the people. It bears repeating: the economic foundation of the old society is semifeudal and semicolonial, upon which imperialism develops bureaucratic capitalism to serve its own interests.

On that economic foundation stand outdated and reactionary institutions that survive only by the force of inertia and the weapons that sustain them, spilling ever more of the incendiary blood of the unarmed, viciously oppressed people — people who, since May 17, 1980, have begun to say, “Enough!” — and who, with each passing day, believe less and less in the old State and expect less and less from the government. In conclusion, discredit, disorder, and chaos — in addition to corruption and the most shameless cynicism — are eroding the landlord-bureaucratic State, for whose government two demagogues — K. Fujimori and R. Sánchez, the only ones left in the race with their poorly concealed interests and unbridled ambitions — are once again competing frivolously and gleefully, engaging in verbal skirmishes and perhaps the occasional clash.

Therefore, we must ask: What do elections entail? Do the people need to go to the polls? Is it in the people’s best interest to vote? Looking at Peru’s own experience, what revolutionary transformation have the people achieved through elections or parliamentary activities? Every victory has been wrested from the authorities through popular struggle, and it was on the basis of these victories that laws recognizing them were enacted — only to be curtailed from the outset or subsequently subjected to a process of reduction or annulment; the development of labor legislation is sufficient proof of this. And the struggle for political rights has followed the same pattern. Clearly, all of this is separate from the conquest of Power, for a revolutionary, Power is conquered only through revolutionary violence — which in Peru is simply people’s war, from the countryside to the city.

But let us also ask ourselves what benefits the people have actually gained from their participation in the Constituent Assembly and in general elections from 1980 to the present; as for the former, they simply served to restructure the reactionary Peruvian State; as for the latter, they have led to the rise of successive reactionary governments from Belaunde to Castillo, each one more responsible for starvation, genocide, and homeland-selling than its predecessor.

And what can the people — the masses — expect from participating in the 2026 general elections, now in their second round? Well, simply and concretely: Voting means endorsing the social system and electing yet another government that more starves the people, is more genocidal, and is more homeland-selling! For this is dictated by the old State’s need to defend its outdated society against the development of the popular struggle and, above all, against the people’s war, which — despite the difficulties — must continue its invincible march to conquer Power in the entire country, culminate the democratic revolution, and proceed uninterrupted with the socialist revolution.

The people cannot serve their exploiters and oppressors; they cannot help them solve their problems; they cannot endorse their social system, much less help elect another government worse than its predecessors; for that is not their path, nor does it serve their own interests. The only course of action today is NOT TO VOTE!; it is the only truly popular response to the elections of the reactionary State and its current fascist, genocidal, and traitorous regime, now headed by the reactionary puppet Balcazar.

Boycotting the reactionary elections is a just and correct tactic that serves the people and the revolution!

II.

THE REACTION IS FACING SERIOUS PROBLEMS DUE TO THE FAILURE OF ITS REACTIONARY ELECTIONS IN THE FIRST ROUND; THAT IS WHY THE TRUE PEOPLE’S RESPONSE TO THE SECOND ROUND OF THIS REACTIONARY FARCE IS:
DON’T VOTE!

Let’s look at the official data showing the failure of this reactionary farce:

According to the report on the results of the General Elections held on April 12–13, 2026, issued by the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) itself, the results are as follows:

Eligible voters: 27,325,432 100%

Total voters: 20,167,745 73.806%

Total abstentions: 7,157,687 26.194%

* Valid votes: 16,738,039 56.8% * ** Votes cast: 20,167,745 73.806%

Blank votes: 2,372,895 11.766%

Invalid votes: 1,056,811 5.240%

*Total valid votes = Sum of votes obtained by political parties.

** Total votes cast = Sum of votes obtained by political organizations + blank votes + invalid votes.

FIGURES FOR THE “WINNING” CANDIDATES

KEIKO SOFIA FUJIMORI HIGUCHI

FUERZA POPULAR

Number of votes: 2,877,678

17.192% of valid votes

14.269% of votes cast

10.528% of total registered voters

ROBERTO HELBERT SANCHEZ PALOMINO

TOGETHER FOR PERU

Number of votes: 2,015,114

12.039% of valid votes

9.992% of votes cast

7.374% of the total registered electorate

Total combined percentage of both candidates relative to 100% of the registered electorate = 17.902% (Keiko Fujimori’s votes + Roberto Sanchez’s votes)

The total votes obtained by all 36 candidates (ultimately 35 due to one death), in absolute and relative terms, were:

16,738,039 (56.8%) of 27,325,432 eligible voters (100%)

The raw figures reveal the results of the electoral farce of April 12–13, 2026, intended to legitimize the turnover of officials in the old Peruvian State. The failure of the reactionary farce of the 2026 general elections marks the greatest crisis of the old and rotten Peruvian State and of the current fascist, genocidal, and homeland-selling regime established on April 5, 1992, with Fujimori’s so-called self-coup, directed by the Yankee CIA.

III.

OUR INTERPRETATION OF THE ELECTION RESULTS

  1. It is striking how few votes the top two candidates received: neither Keiko Fujimori — the candidate of Fuerza Popular, founded by the fascist, genocidal, and traitorous Fujimori — nor Roberto Sánchez — the candidate of the Juntos por el Perú coalition, founded by former APRA Prime Minister Jehude Simons — even reached 15% of the votes cast; This is far short of the 50% plus one vote required by the constitution to assume the presidency.

  2. As in the 2011, 2016, and 2021 elections, there will be a runoff that is presented as a dilemma between Fujimorism and anti-Fujimorism; but in reality, it is between Keiko Fujimori of the FP, who represents the comprador faction of the big bourgeoisie in this new electoral farce, on the one hand, and Roberto Sánchez, who represents the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, on the other.

  3. It is also very clear that voter abstention, in both absolute and relative terms, was very similar to that of the 2021 elections, reflecting a spontaneous rejection of the reactionary elections and the institutions and representatives of the old State. The number of abstentions was 7,157,687, or 26.194% of eligible voters; the candidate who received the most votes in April was K. Fujimori, received 2,877,678 votes, approximately 10.528% of the total registered electorate; such is the much-celebrated “victory” of Keiko — or, even worse, of Roberto Sánchez, who came in second place among the losers of this reactionary electoral contest. Sánchez, who champions the program of the bureaucratic faction, has borrowed Pedro Castillo’s campaign hat and presents himself as the political heir to “Castillism” — that is, to the opportunistic, counterrevolutionary rondero Pedro Castillo.

  4. In this second round of the reactionary farce, Sánchez is presenting himself as “the lesser evil” in an attempt to weather the widespread rejection of the old State — its civil, military, and ecclesiastical institutions, as well as its political parties and representatives — which is reflected in the cold but eloquent electoral results.

  5. We must make it clear that we reject, repudiate, and brand the rats of the revisionist and capitulationist right-wing opportunist line (ROL), who in the first round called for a “spoil-the-vote” campaign “against the electoral farce,” seeking to legitimize the reactionary elections through higher voter turnout; while, on the other hand, they fielded candidates on some electoral slates of various reactionary parties. Now, the ROL is trying to make a comeback with a few little signs reading “Don’t Vote!”, while negotiating its support for Sánchez’s JPP.

  6. If we add up all the opportunists, revisionists, and reactionaries who champion the program of the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, they do not even account for 15% of the valid votes. In other words, all of these groups — which, through collusion and rivalry, are championing the bureaucratic faction’s platform in the 2026 General Elections — have been crushed by the very ballot boxes they so adore; now, even when added together, they do not reach the percentage of non-voters — what a great triumph they can boast about. For their part, the representatives of the comprador faction have suffered one of their worst electoral defeats; with Keiko, López Aliaga, and others, they are collectively far from reaching the 39% that Keiko achieved in the first round of 2016.

  7. The role of Juntos por el Perú (JPP) — as the leader of the bureaucratic faction in the presidential and legislative elections through its propaganda, electoral disguise, candidate quotas, and offer of perks — serves parliamentary cretinism, revisionism, opportunism, and betrayal of the working class and the people. That is why it tends to drag along all the opportunists, revisionists, and sellouts of the working class, starting with the rats of the ROL.

  8. The fragmentation of the vote and a lack of clarity characterize the April 2026 General Elections; the runoff election presents itself as the most sinister farce designed to manipulate the masses, both by representatives of the comprador faction and the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, all serving the same goal of trying to drag the masses into designating a new President “anointed by a majority of votes” (“legitimized”). Both candidates and the mainstream media, aware of the masses” rejection of the elections, reactionary politicians, and parties as demonstrated in the first round, resort to instilling fear by raising the specter of the “worst of all evils” that a victory by the opponent would bring, in order to call on people to vote for their candidate as the “lesser evil.”

  9. The reactionary forces and imperialism need “legitimate” authorities in the face of their deepening collapse in order to continue carrying out their genocide against the people’s struggle and their “low-intensity war” aimed at annihilating the PCP2 and the people’s war, and to thwart the general reorganization of the Party in and for the people’s war.

  10. Furthermore, whoever is elected in the second round will not have a majority in parliament — neither in the Senate nor in the Chamber of Deputies — and, given the dispersion of seats, there will be even more intense collusion and strife among groups and factions of exploiters vying for circumstantial or “ad hoc” majorities. The rot that is eating away at that entire old State will worsen; its bicameral parliament will consist not of party caucuses but of individuals, each of whom, in the vast majority of cases, represents only themselves.

  11. The conflict between the new president of the landlord-bureaucratic State — which serves imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism — and the parliament is thus predetermined and will be resolved through a filibuster in the Senate, which cannot be dissolved.

  12. The Senate is constitutionally the key institution in determining the president’s fate; the April results give Fuerza Popular a majority, making it the leading force in the Senate with 22 seats. However, it does not have an absolute majority, which will require constant negotiations with other caucuses. Juntos por el Perú is the second-largest party, “while groups such as Renovación Popular and the Partido del Buen Gobierno are positioning themselves as key players in governance.” “With 60 senators and multiple competing forces, the real challenge will be building consensus.” (The quotes are from journalistic commentary.)

That is why imperialism and reaction require the restructuring of the old State, and that is why the struggle between new “reforms” and a “new” constitution will continue. The ROL rats, as servants of the old State, are raising their slogan of a “new constitution” in an attempt to save the old State, crush the struggle of the masses, and prevent their new incoporation into the people’s war.

In conclusion, everything indicates that the Peruvian State has become even weaker at its foundations and will have to rely increasingly on its armed and repressive forces; and it will become clearer to the people that the armed forces are the backbone of the State, that this State is nothing more than organized violence designed to maintain the enslavement of the Peruvian people, and that it deserves nothing less than to be swept away.

Elections, no! People’s war, yes!

Boycotting the reactionary elections is a just and correct tactic that serves the people and the revolution!

Peru People’s Movement
June 2026


  1. https://vnd-peru.blogspot.com/2026/06/mpp-contra-la-farsa-electoral.html↩︎

  2. Red Library: Communist Party of Peru.↩︎