Proletarians of all countries, unite!
On the occasion of the speech given by the fascist, genocidal, and homeland-selling Dina Boluarte on July 28, 2025, before the Congress or Bolivar’s pigsty to report on her administration, we say:
The murderous Dina has cynically tried to present her presidency as a success, when it has failed in the three reactionary tasks of its government, which for the people has meant more genocide, more hunger and misery, redoubled exploitation and misery, and which has bloodily repressed and persecuted the protests of the masses. For the nation oppressed by imperialism, a nation in formation, it has meant greater handover to imperialism.
The fascist, genocidal, and homeland-selling regime presided over by Dina Boluarte reflects the acute crisis of the old and rotten Peruvian state, a landlord-bureaucratic state in service of imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism. This state, with its backbone consisting of the armed forces, police, and auxiliary forces, sustains and defends the old society in general and ultimate crisis, a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, upon which bureaucrat-capitalism in the service of imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, develops.
The crisis in the Heights expresses that we are experiencing the development of the revolutionary situation. Lenin masterfully characterized it with three notes: “(1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the ‘upper classes’, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for ‘the lower classes not to want” to live in the old way; it is also necessary that ‘the upper classes should be unable” to live in the old way; (2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual; (3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in ‘peace time’, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the ‘upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.”2
The development of the situation in the country shows that this crisis at the top is opening a crack through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes are seeping. The fact that the masses are beginning to move strongly not only in the face of unemployment, underemployment, low wages, overexploitation, and misery, but also in the face of the redoubled oppression they suffer, due to the daily collapse and decomposition of the old society and the old state that sustains it.
Economic data stubbornly reveal the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of Peruvian society, which is dominated by bureaucrat-capitalism serving mainly Yankee imperialism. This data also shows the economic failure of the current government. Let’s look at some specific figures:
By 2024, gross domestic product (GDP) was expected to grow by 3.1%. Sustained recovery in the primary sectors, driven by the recovery of fishing, agriculture, and related industries, as well as mineral prices. The projection estimates that GDP will grow at a rate of 3% in 2025, based on normal weather conditions, the start-up of some mining and infrastructure projects, and an environment that favors the continued recovery of private spending.
The slight growth in employment is explained by informality rather than by the formal economy, with dramatic data such as 1.5 million young people between the ages of 15 and 29 neither studying nor working. Despite the rebound in 2024, the medium-term outlook for the Peruvian economy continues to show lower potential than a decade ago. The IMF’s projections for the next five years anticipate GDP growth of just 2.4% (the secondary source from which we took this data extracted it from the reports of the Central Reserve Bank (BCR). Inflation report June 2024. Current outlook and macroeconomic projections for 2024-2025 by Gálvez Lume, Deysi, and Tarazona Ramos, Luis. EduDatos 50: Los ninis: Young people who neither study nor work in Peru today. Lima: Ministry of Education (Minedu)).
Regarding poverty, food insecurity, and informality, the official figures are as follows: In 2023, real average income decreased by 1% compared to 2022; compared to 2019, the decrease was very significant in urban areas, 13.0%, and 5.2% in rural areas. The extreme poverty line increased by 33.9% compared to 2019. Total poverty grew by 26.7% compared to 2019. Monetary poverty increased by 1.5% between 2022 and 2023, and compared to 2019, it increased by 8.8 percentage points. During 2023, there was an increase in monetary poverty, reaching 29%, while extreme poverty reached 5.7%, an increase that marked a reversal in the downward trend that had been maintained during the 2009-2019 period.
51.7% of the population faces moderate or severe food insecurity, which translates into 17.6 million people. Despite this, we are major exporters of food to the global imperialist market.
The resistance of the masses to the situation outlined above has been expressed in waves of large and small protests, in many cases resorting to armed resistance. The masses are becoming increasingly active, all this in the context of the general elections to replace the reactionary authorities in April 2026.
The genocidal Dina intends to remain president until July 2026, presiding over a government repudiated by both sides, which is only sustained by the force of arms and the parliamentary support of a meager majority of representatives from various reactionary electoral groups, so-called “parties”, including the opportunists of “Perú Libre” with Waldemar Cerrón, who is repeating his role as vice president, some rats from the ROL3 of the “Bloque Magisterial”, “Bloque Socialista”, “Castillistas”, and others.
An interesting fact about parliament, which fully illustrates what we are saying, is that since 2021 more than 50 congressmen have changed political groups, some of them more than three times. With 67 of its 130 members under investigation for alleged crimes against the public administration, public trust, and property, among others, including rape. In this situation, the difficulties will increase until after the elections and the installation of the new government. However, given the current situation, there is no guarantee that there will not be a military or parliamentary coup. It should be noted that there are more than 40 electoral cartels (small parties or fronts) that can present candidates for the presidency and the chambers of senators and deputies. The question of its governability and legitimacy is unlikely to change for the old state. We quote the following data from DESCO magazine, which expresses the collapse and decomposition of its entire political system:
The political and electoral landscape two years before the general elections could not be more bleak, but above all, it could not be further removed from the citizens.
However, this kind of political “depression” that leads to paralysis, also political, in society and in some parties or organizations, is opposed to the overwhelming enthusiasm that others show for the upcoming 2026 electoral process. According to official data from the National Elections Board (JNE), as of August, there are 35 legally registered political parties and another 24 parties in the process of registration, which means that we could have 59 political organizations eligible for the next general elections. Theoretically, if these 59 organizations register and all submit lists to Congress, we would have 7,670 candidates. A historic record.
This kind of electoral fever, for example, is shared by several former parliamentarians: “After reviewing the last five years, El Comercio found that more than 50 former parliamentarians joined a different party than the one they represented during their respective legislative terms, and are eligible to run again.”4
Regarding the current situation, reactionaries can only become increasingly pessimistic. The most vocal among them lament, “the profound decomposition we are experiencing”. They view their current “democracy” as the “continuation of the Fujimorist regime”, in which “neoliberal foundations should not be questioned”.
The expressions in quotation marks are from the Introduction by TOCHE M., Eduardo; compiler, Perú Hoy, The Collapse of Democracy. Lima: December, 2024.
And the most interesting thing is that, in his own way and despite his language and thinking rooted in rotten postmodernism, Toche describes the political superstructure of the country, which for us expresses its semi-feudal and semi-colonial basis and, with this, the failure of the second reactionary task of Fujimori’s fascist, genocidal, and homeland-selling regime, which has been in power since 1992, and, therefore, of the current regime of Dina Boluarte. Let us read what he says about this:
In conclusion, (in Peru today). It is clear that the falsification of a culture of legality by the criminal underworld — and by those who occupy the spaces between it and the realm of the lawful — feeds the intrinsic relationship between law and disorder that we experience with increasing intensity.
After all, once the state began to seriously outsource its services and grant franchises, and once extralegal organizations began to imitate the state and the market by providing protection and administering justice, social order became a kaleidoscope: at once present and absent, hyperreal and a superimposition of images, visible, opaque, and translucent. Moreover, this duplication, this simultaneous presence of law and disorder, has its own geography, a geography of discontinuous and overlapping sovereignties.
Another example of how semi-feudalism manifests itself in the political superstructure can be found in the aforementioned article by Alberto Adrianzén M. It concerns the case of the “mochasueldos”.5 Let us read:
(…) the existence of so-called “mochasueldo”, that is, congressmen who force their workers to hand over part of their wages, turning these people into a kind of “tenant farmer” who, although they no longer work for the landlord or estate owner, as in the past, are obliged to hand over part of their wages to the congressman. This type of relationship demonstrates the patrimonial nature of the congressman’s politics, where the seat represents what the land was to the landlord.
Faced with this situation, the masses have been forced to resist a double reactionary attack: on the one hand, from the repressive forces of the state itself and, on the other, from the gangs of the “warlords”. As a result, in many places they have had to resort to armed resistance.
The armed resistance of the masses enables the PCP to elevate that struggle to a political struggle, a struggle for power, moving from armed resistance (self-defense) to guerrilla warfare to destroy the enemy’s living forces and the old relations of production, under the slogan of fighting and resisting, focusing on fighting and organizing them within the People’s Liberation Army to take a new leap in incorporating the masses into the people’s war. Thus, we differentiate between passive resistance, armed self-defense, and armed struggle, and even more so, with people’s war.
Therefore, the current situation is very bad for reaction and very good for revolution. It serves to advance the task of the general reorganization of the party and for a new leap in the incorporation of the masses into the people’s war. To get out of the current bend and into an active people’s war.
In electoral situations where reactionary collusion and struggle intensify, followed by a change of government, knowing the disruption this will bring for them and knowing that the new government will be much weaker and less legitimate than the current one, which will be much worse for the masses. This presents a brilliant opportunity to ride the wave of momentum, mobilizing the masses broadly and deeply against the new electoral farce through active boycott. For the struggle to defend the rights, freedoms, and benefits won with blood, and to elevate this struggle of the masses to a political struggle, for their new incorporation by leaps and bounds into the people’s war, culminating in the task of the general reorganization of the party and continuing to develop the new-democratic revolution with people’s war.
LONG LIVE CHAIRMAN GONZALO AND HIS ALL-POWERFUL GONZALO THOUGHT!
LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU!
LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE’S WAR!
LONG LIVE THE GROWING POPULAR PROTEST AND ITS DEVELOPMENT IN THE COUNTRY!
DOWN WITH THE FASCIST, GENOCIDAL, AND HOMELAND-SELLING REGIME!
LONG LIVE THE HEROIC STRUGGLES OF NATIONAL LIBERATION OF THE PEOPLES OF PALESTINE AND UKRAINE!
There is no greater sign of the Peruvian state’s subordination than that which refers to the air interdiction, dependent on the decision of the U.S. State Department and Department of Defense. In August 2023, we had to sign a non-lethal interdiction agreement with the U.S., which is completely ineffective in terms of interdiction efficiency, despite the fact that we have specific legislation authorizing the shooting down of suspicious aircraft once protocols have been exhausted. Thus, as a country, we were unable to assert our will in our airspace.6
https://vnd-peru.blogspot.com/2025/08/mpp-viva-la-creciente-protesta-popular.html↩︎
RedLibrary: V. I. Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, 1915.↩︎
RedLibrary: Right Opportunist Line.↩︎
Congreso, crisis, democracia e informalidad, Alberto Adrianzén M, in Perú Hoy, El desplome de la democracia. Lima: December, 2024.↩︎
RedLibrary: “Wage cutters” in Spanish.↩︎
No uno sino muchos Vraem, Ricardo Soberón G.↩︎